Dating a scythian tomb
However, archeological and iconographic evidence reveals increasing receptivity to Iranian material culture throughout Anatolia.Such “Iranizing” both reinforces the evidence for a Persian presence and provides a background for cultural relations with Greece.Recent discoveries confirm an expectation that the imperial iconography developed at Persepolis and Susa was exported to the regional capitals (cf. ) Artaxerxes I from Daskyleion with the king enthroned surrounded by attendants confirms the probable role of glyptic in circulating Persian visual concepts (AMI 22, 1989, p. 1." href="/img/v11f3/Greece_ii_plate01.jpg"PLATE I; Kaptan; for some implications for visual communication, see Root).
The near-complete dependency on the material record may re-sult in an imbalanced picture.Nonetheless, enough now survives from excavation and repatriated tomb materials to show that Sardis (and Lydia) under the Persians was highly acculturated to the Achaemenid model (Dusinberre, 2002). Although no Old Persian inscriptions have yet been found at Sardis, Aramaic is well represented. The unique tomb at Taş Kule near Phokaia has Persian elements, suggesting that it was either for a Persian from early in the period, or for an Achaemenidizing local leader (Cahill). Neither Daskyleion nor Sardis can be said to show greater receptivity to East Greek culture. Alexander the Great is said by the sources to have learned much from the Persians that he conquered (e.g., Court protocol: Curtius, 8.5.5-24, Plutarch, 45, Arrian, 4.9.9). Susanne Ebbinghaus, “Between Greece and Per-sia: Rhyta in Thrace from the Late 5th to the Early 3rd Centuries B. The following is organised from most to least tangible. The most long-lived contribution of Achaemenid toreutic to the Greek repertoire was the use of fluting, grooving, and petal-grooving as surface decorations (PLATE IX; Athens, Agora Excavations, Inv. P18288 [left] and P 10980); they had hitherto been largely unknown in the archaic Greek tradition and became a permanent, if not a universal, component. It is not clear whether they were imported or a local imitation (Arvanitopoulos; Dentzer, 1969, pp. It has been argued that the Athenian acropolis as a whole represents a deliberate mid-5th-century response to the Persian imperial center at Persepolis (Lawrence). Nonetheless, iconographic and epigraphic evidence indicate that a number of foreign clothing types entered the wardrobe of the elite Athenian women and occasionally men in the 5th century B. The specific garments that can be identified include the , a tunic-like overgarment, worn by women over their chiton, and by men over a short chiton or alone (the patterned garment on PLATE XIII, Bologna Musico civico, Inv. The sleeved chiton contrasts strikingly with the Greek clothing repertoire, where anything like tailoring is anathema (garments were worn as removed from the loom, with the addition of pins and belts to secure them). The Persian , though rarely attested in art for Athenian wear, figures prominently in the votive offerings by Athenian women of used clothing at the sanctuary of Artemis of Brauron (PLATE XIII, above; Linders; Knauer, pp. Nonetheless, the preference for elaborately decorated textiles in the later 5th century Attic red figure painting has been linked with a new taste for “foreign textiles” as a result of trade and booty in this period (von Lorentz; Miller, 1997, pp. The extent to which physical luxury pertained in classical Athens is a matter of some debate, but despite the claims of ancient authors and the general silence of the archeological record, there is evidence to suggest that the Persian East provided models for new mechanisms of expression of social hierarchy in classical Athens, and perhaps elsewhere in mainland Greece as well.